At least 18 media employees have been arrested across Ethiopia within two weeks alone.
On
April 26th, an official from Ethiopia's attorney general's office took to state
media to express his disappointment with what he saw as a lack of police action
in combating disinformation and hate speech.
That
was interpreted as a terrible omen by a lot of journalists in the country.
"I
knew a crackdown on the press was coming when I heard the call," an Addis
Ababa-based journalist told Al Jazeera on the condition of anonymity because he
did not want to be identified. "I'd heard rumors that the government
wanted to rein in the press, particularly digital content providers. The only
remaining question was how many of us will be imprisoned."
That
forecast has turned out to be correct.
The
Ethiopian Media Authority, which is operated by the government, claimed on
April 29th that it has filed criminal charges against at least 25 media
outlets.
Ethiopian
police raided local newsrooms earlier this month, detaining 19 persons, including
journalists, magazine editors, and talk show hosts.
“We
reiterate that Ethiopia’s media law clearly prohibits pre-trial detention for
any alleged offence committed through media,” said Daniel Bekele, head of the
Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, a public institution. “All detained media
personnel should be released.”
In
addition, on May 13th, Tom Gardner, a correspondent for The Economist, was
ejected from the nation.
At
least a dozen of the arrests are tied to critical reporting on the Ethiopian
army's clashes with militants in the Amhara area. Furthermore, security forces
in the region have jailed over 4,500 anti-government protesters and opposition
politicians who are opposed to efforts to demobilize ethnic Amhara militias.
The
arrests bring the total number of journalists detained in Ethiopia to 22 this
year. The detainees have been accused by the authorities of exacerbating the
bloodshed at a time when the country is ripped apart by conflict.
“The right to free speech doesn’t permit one to
tarnish the honour of individuals, communities, the government or the country,”
said Gizachew Muluneh, spokesman for the Amhara regional government, in a
statement on Facebook. “Calling for ethnic and religious clashes and pushing
extremist agendas are unforgivable crimes and cannot be considered free
speech.”
Press
freedom groups, on the other hand, dispute the authorities' claims, claiming
that the detentions are part of a larger pattern.
“CPJ
has documented a drastic decline in press freedom in Ethiopia over the last
three years,” said Angela Quintal, head of the Committee to Protect
Journalists’ (CPJ) Africa programme. “This decline has accelerated during the
ongoing civil war. Numerous journalists have been arrested and detained without
trial or for prolonged pre-charge periods.”
Ethiopian
journalists have considered resigning their employment or moving to neighboring
nations as a result of the pressure. Some journalists have reduced their
reporting and have chosen to write stories without bylines.
Reversal
on press freedom
It's
a far cry from the predictions made only a few years ago.
The
country approved a controversial and ambiguously worded anti-terrorist
proclamation in 2009, which was used to sentence notable journalists to hefty
prison sentences on terrorism allegations.
Akemel
Negash, an Ethiopian journalist, recalls the time period. His coverage of
Muslim protests in 2012 landed him in the clutches of the government, forcing
him to abandon the country. He claimed the outbreak of war in late 2020 brought
back memories of the country's recent history, where he is currently
editor-in-chief of the local Amba Digital news site.
“[When
war broke out] the government made things clear for journalists by saying ‘you
are either with us or against us,’ as George W Bush did during his invasion of
Afghanistan,” Akemel told Al Jazeera. “The message was either you report what
the state wants you to report, or you become a state enemy. We found it
extremely dangerous to carry out our work with such hostility.”
However,
in 2018, Abiy Ahmed, the country's new Prime Minister, ordered the release of
tens of thousands of political inmates, including journalists, with the promise
of allowing them to work freely.
Exiled
journalists returned to Ethiopia and set up shop as a result of the surge of
optimism. In 2018, a flurry of reforms saw the launch of a slew of new local
newspapers, television stations, and digital news outlets.
Ethiopia
also had no journalists imprisoned at the end of the year, the first time since
2004.
Ethiopia,
on the other hand, has begun to reverse its advances by 2020. Several
journalists were arrested and critical radio and television networks were shut
down.
Civil
war erupted in the country's Tigray region in November of that year. With the
army's full mobilization, the press community's tolerance for dissenting voices
had all but vanished.
During
the first week of the fighting, police detained a half-dozen journalists.
“It
beggars belief that a mere three years ago during World Press Freedom Day in
Addis Ababa, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed boasted to the world that there was not
a single Ethiopian journalist behind bars,” Quintal added. “And here we are in
May 2022, Ethiopia is back to mass arrests and arbitrary detentions of
journalists.”
Government
propaganda outlets began openly referring to foreign correspondents as
mercenaries, and local journalists as traitors, reminiscent of the pre-2018
era.
To
prevent the flow of information from the conflict zone to global audiences,
Ethiopia severed communications to the Tigray region and barred journalists and
aid workers from travelling there.
In
January 2021, in the midst of the media blackout, Ethiopian military shot and
killed Tigray-based reporter Dawit Kebede Araya, the first death in the local
press community since 1998.
Despite
the media ban, journalists were able to uncover the war's horrors, including
government massacres against civilians.
Abiy
and his men were subjected to heightened scrutiny and criticism. In response,
Ethiopia's prime minister made a call to Ethiopians in February 2021,
encouraging them to avoid "tarnishing our country's name."
The
prime minister condemned some citizens, accusing them of sympathizing with the
insurgents and collaborating with foreign powers to distribute false
information and plot the country's demise.
Abiy
was referring to the country's journalists, according to Akemel Negash.
"In
my judgment, the prime minister's appeal was an ultimatum to journalists who
refused to help the government define its story," Akemel said. "As a
result, journalists began to evacuate the nation or refrain from covering the
conflict."
Simon
Marks, a reporter for the New York Times, was sacked from the newspaper the
following month. His expulsion preceded a wave of arrests, including those of a
dozen journalists of the Addis Ababa-based Awlo Media newsroom on June 19th
2021.
Any
critical coverage received a swift reprimand. Licensing was cancelled, newsrooms
were raided by cops, equipment was seized, and journalists were arrested and
taken to jail.
Ethiopia
has jailed at least 46 members of its own local press by the end of 2021,
including newscasters Bikila Amenu and Dessu Dulla of the Oromia News Network,
who are accused of plotting against the government. According to Ethiopia's
penal code, if convicted of the offence, they could face the death penalty.
Prior
to declaring all-out war, Ethiopia's Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister
guided the country's rise from the bottom quarter of the Reporters Without
Borders (RSF) worldwide press freedom rating to 99th place in 2020.
Ethiopia
is presently ranked 114th in the world.
"The
current environment for the press is as awful as, if not worse than, what we
saw before Abiy's rule," said Tazebew Assefa, a board member at the Ashara
Media newspaper.
Police
stormed Ashara's headquarters in Bahir Dar, the Amhara regional capital, on May
19th, detaining five of the network's staffers.
“The
government had wanted to shut us down for over a year due to our coverage of
corruption and other issues that state media typically ignores,” Tazebew said.
“They are now actively muzzling the private press, but that isn’t a solution.
In fact, it may serve to push disenfranchised people to other forms of
struggle, including armed struggle.”
Source: Aljazeera
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