Man holds a flag of the Oromo
Liberation Army in Oromia, Waliso, Ethiopia. Until recently, kidnappings rarely
happened outside OLA strongholds in western Oromia. Photograph: Eric
Lafforgue/Alamy
Initially, rebel organizations used abduction for political purposes, but in a broken economy, collecting ransoms is perceived as easy money, and anyone might be a target.
The
gunmen targeted Alemetu while she was sleeping. They marched her out of her
home in Ethiopia's Oromia region and transported her to a deserted school in
the countryside, where she was held captive for four weeks.
She
was finally released after her family paid a ransom of 110,000 birr (£1,530), a
substantial sum in rural Ethiopia, which they collected by selling cattle and
borrowing from friends.
She
was released only after her family paid a ransom of 110,000 birr (£1,530), a
huge sum in rural Ethiopia, which they raised by selling livestock and
borrowing from friends.
When
Alemetu was kidnapped, the family was already struggling to pay a 90,000 birr
ransom for her uncle, a farmer, who was held for 15 days in a separate
abduction. The family is now destitute.
“It
is very rare to find a family in our area who has not been affected by
kidnapping,” says Alemetu. “The government has no control.”
Alemetu
identified her kidnappers as insurgents from the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), a
rebel group that has been fighting Ethiopia’s government since 2018. The OLA
styles itself as the champion of the Oromo, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group,
who claim a long history of marginalisation, but it has been accused of
massacres and other abuses.
Ethiopia’s
federal parliament classifies the OLA as a terrorist organisation.
After
Alemetu was released, the fighters destroyed her home. She feels she was
targeted because her husband worked at a local government office. "Even if
you just pay taxes, the fighters will attack you," she goes on to add.
Kidnapping
has been a continuous problem in Oromia, a region in Ethiopia's heartland that
surrounds the city, Addis Abeba. Until recently, kidnappings were uncommon
beyond the OLA's strongholds in western Oromia. When they occurred, they were
specifically targeted. The main victims, like Alemetu, were police personnel,
government officials, or their relatives, with political rather than financial
motivations.
Now,
kidnapping for ransom has become commonplace. Abductions take place not far
from Addis Ababa, as the OLA’s insurgency spreads to new areas, and target
anyone.
On
December 28, gunmen killed eight people and kidnapped ten more near Metehara,
100 kilometers (60 miles) east of Addis Abeba, as they returned from a
religious event. In October, agricultural researchers were kidnapped while
conducting fieldwork near the village of Alem Tena, 60 kilometers south of the
city. In July, extremists abducted 63 bus passengers 100 kilometers from Addis
Ababa.
Foreign-owned
businesses are also targeted: in October, seven Chinese citizens working for a
cement firm were kidnapped in Oromia's North Shewa region, while in January of
last year, gunmen kidnapped 20 workers at another cement factory owned by
Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote.
The
road linking Addis Ababa to Djibouti’s port, Ethiopia’s main trade artery, has become
a kidnapping hotspot in the past 18 months.
The
manager of a foreign-owned farm in Oromia, who declined to be named, said the
surge in kidnappings was putting off international investors. Local business
people who had recently sold their crops and were known to have significant
amounts of cash in their bank accounts were initially targeted, he says.
“But
it has escalated into something much more widespread, affecting a much wider
range of individuals, to the point where all our senior staff are targets,” the
farm manager says. “We can’t get any of them to our site, it’s too risky.”
He
alleged that several foreign corporations have paid ransoms to release
employees.
The
British embassy advises UK nationals to “avoid regular patterns of travel or
movement” in large parts of Oromia because of the risk of kidnapping, warning
that “people engaged in humanitarian aid work, journalism or business sectors
are viewed as legitimate targets”.
In
November, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council stated that "abductees
frequently endure torture, cruel treatment, and detention under inhumane
conditions, constituting serious crimes against human dignity."
AbiyAhmed, Ethiopia's prime minister, was elected in 2018 on the back of a wave of
anti-authoritarian protests. He promised a new era of openness and democracy,
but his administration has supervised a slew of regional crises, including the
catastrophic war in Tigray, which killed hundreds of thousands.
The
most recent rebellion erupted in Amhara, Ethiopia’s second-largest region, in
August, over a plan to disband regional armed forces. As well as hitting the
economy, these conflicts have fed into a growing feeling of lawlessness across
the country.
"I'm
too nervous to leave Addis Ababa," says a lecturer at the city's
university, whose cousin and brother-in-law were kidnapped for ransom in
separate events in Oromia. "I inherited some acreage in the countryside,
but I haven't gone because you never know whether someone will kidnap you. I
don't go see my parents. I don't even go there for weddings or funerals.
The
Guardian interviewed four people who recently paid ransoms to release family.
All declined to be identified for fear of punishment from the kidnappers.
Because of this fear, most abductions go unreported; however, civil society
groups think thousands of people have been kidnapped in recent years.
The
interviewees paid ransoms of between 20,000 birr (£280) to 500,000 birr
(£7,000) to free their relatives and often managed to negotiate the price.
“They ask according to your wealth,” says one man. He paid 125,000 birr to free
his father, who was abducted from his home in North Shewa.
Another
man says abductors demanded “a staggering 2 million birr” (£28,000) after
kidnapping his brother and other passengers from a bus travelling through
Oromia’s West Shewa in June. After lengthy negotiations, the family paid
100,000 birr.
“This
is a pandemic,” says the man. “Kidnapping is happening everywhere. The rebels
have made it a way of life because it’s easy money for them.”
The
OLA rebels deny employing kidnapping to fund their insurgency, but the group is
loosely organised, with local groups frequently acting independently of their
commanders.
According
to Jonah Wedekind, an independent researcher, there is considerable evidence
that some OLA factions have turned to kidnapping as a means of obtaining funds,
but bandits motivated only by financial gain may also be involved.
“Some
armed actors perceive the OLA to be efficiently raising capital through these
attacks and might be copying them,” says Wedekind. “And this is part of the
wider problem: the conflict reflects the economy breaking down, and people
don’t have jobs, so this is what they turn to.”
Peace
talks between the OLA and the government failed in November. A spike in rebel
attacks across Oromia followed.
The
government’s response to the insurgency has been ham-fisted, characterised by
arbitrary arrests and unlawful killings, according to the state-appointed human
rights commission.
Alemetu
did not go to the police after she was released, fearful they would accuse her
of funding terrorists because her family paid a ransom. Instead, she simply
packed up her remaining belongings and left her village. “I am afraid of both
sides,” she says.
Source: The Guardian
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